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Lawyers beware: your clients are rebelling


Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Lawyers beware: your clients are rebelling” was written by Adam Sampson, for guardian.co.uk on Tuesday 6th March 2012 13.04 UTC

Three years ago, when we began setting up the Legal Ombudsman, our first press release talked of the new service as helping to resolve disputes between lawyers and their customers. The Guardian’s Marcel Berlins immediately took me to task for my solecism: people who use the services of lawyers are clients, he said, and to refer to them as customers was an unforgivable error.

But the choice of words had been a deliberate symbol of the change which our arrival signalled. The term “client” embodies the traditional view of the relationship between lawyers and those they represent: one of unequal power and status. For every client there is a patron, someone of higher rank who offers help and protection in return for future favours: Julius Caesar, a successful lawyer long before he was a successful general, built his political career on his network of grateful clients whom he had helped in the notoriously combative courts of the late Roman republic.

But the notion of customer turns this relationship on its head. In most businesses, customer is king. It is the customer who has the power, who can pick and choose what services to buy and from what provider. In a normal free market, it would be the lawyers who compete for patronage, rather than bestow it.

But those are not the traditions of the law and, protected by their social status, political power and deliberately obfuscatory language, lawyers have hitherto been able to ignore the notion of customer service. But the bulwarks of legal tradition are crumbling as the market changes, and lawyers are being forced to face the possibility that their habitual view of how they go about their daily work may have to go a fundamental change. Those who adapt to the market, it appears, will survive; those who cannot may be doomed to disappear.

Nowhere is the battle between the traditional view of client and customer more marked than in the notion of pricing. It is this collision between what lawyers are used to providing and what the modern users of professional services are

increasingly accustomed to expect which is at the root of the 100,000 contacts from disgruntled customers we receive every year and no fewer than one quarter of these, by far the largest element of our workload, are about cost.

Take an obvious example of the sort of thing we see. People going to see a solicitor may be told that it is not possible to put a price on what the service may cost but the lawyer will charge, say, £201 per hour plus VAT, with fees and disbursements (there’s that legal language again) being extra. Even for someone familiar with the law, that provides almost no useful information about how much they can expect to pay and little or what options they have to keep costs down. An hourly pricing rate with no cap allows the lawyer to determine what work they deem necessary to carry out and makes it almost impossible for the customer to challenge the eventual size of the bill. Nor does it provide any useful information which allows a customer to compare the cost of one lawyer with another.

When challenged about this sort of practice, lawyers will argue that the trajectory of many legal transactions is impossible to predict – cases can be quick and relatively low-cost or they can be prolonged and extremely complex, requiring contested court hearings with all the associated expense. Indeed, while lawyers are increasingly bowing to consumer expectations by offering estimates of how much the service might cost, they do not regard those as in any way binding: we have seen estimates of £5,000 translate into final bills of ten times that amount. And where both sides in a piece of litigation are working on an hourly-rate model, the temptation to string the matter out by engaging in unnecessarily combative or complex correspondence sometimes appears to be overwhelming.

Of course there is some truth in their argument (lawyers rarely advance arguments entirely without some element of truth). Litigation can be very unpredictable and costs can vary hugely. But that is only true of a relatively small proportion of legal services. Writing a will, buying or selling a home, even conducting a simple criminal case – all of these activities are in most cases entirely predictable transactions where costs can be calculated well in advance. Even where more complex transactions are involved, it is often possible to predict what each element of the service may cost and offer some sort of conditional pricing dependent upon how the case unfolds.

And that is exactly where the leaders of the legal services market are going. We are already seeing the arrival of new, nakedly commercial enterprises offering fixed price wills or conveyancing, breaking those transactions down into discrete elements many of which can be provided by relatively unqualified (low-cost) staff supported by specialist legal software. The involvement of large insurers in funding personal injury or employment claims has led to a far more acute understanding of the likely cost of simpler litigation. Law firms who seem incapable of working on a fixed costs model for individual clients appear far more willing to do so for insurers and the Legal Services Commission.

And as the legal services marked continues to change, with the arrival of commercial giants such as the Co-op and the increasing cross-selling of financial, legal and other services by banks and insurers, it is the lawyers who show that they can adapt their traditional view of clients and put customers at the heart of their business who stand the best chance of prospering. There are risks in that new market: no one wants pile ‘em high and flog ‘em cheap law, particularly not when our children, our homes or our freedom are at stake. But if it means cheaper, more predictable pricing, one of the key barriers between citizens and legal services will be removed.

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How far can legal work be automated?

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Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “How far can legal work be automated?” was written by Neil Rose, for guardian.co.uk on Wednesday 2nd November 2011 14.52 UTC

Many lawyers abhor the idea that what they do can be boiled down into a process that can be commoditised and systematised. It is not the same as selling a tin of baked beans, to use the common refrain, and the way the market is developing will be to the detriment of clients.

Not everyone agrees. While there are some aspects of legal work that will always need the personal touch – unless you want to be represented in court by your mobile phone – there is no reason to think the law will be insulated from the inexorable advance of the internet and the disruptive impact it is having on every aspect of life.

Many people still want the reassurance of face-to-face advice: I have recently been trying to do an agreement online but found it raised so many questions that I needed help with that I’m now looking for a solicitor to draft the thing for me.

But will the next generation, brought up on being able to access pretty much everything they want online, feel the same? Leading legal “futurist” Professor Richard Susskind predicts that the way legal services are delivered will move from a one-to-one model to a one-to-many as technology develops.

As a first step, all the research shows, unsurprisingly, that the web is playing an ever-increasing role in how consumers find a lawyer. A recent survey by Peppermint Technology found that nearly a quarter of people would turn to the web, second only to (but still well behind) personal recommendation – a recommendation they may well get through a social media network such as Twitter.

As I blogged recently, most of the online services have focused on a wide range of dynamic legal forms that are filled out by the user, with the option of having them reviewed by a lawyer afterwards. But last week I was given a tour of what could be the next stage in online law, a website called Road Traffic Representation (RTR).

Painstakingly developed over three years by solicitor Martin Langan – who says he is “wedded to automating what you can” – it provides people charged with motoring offences with a free online diagnosis of their case and an idea of the likely penalty, with ultimately the option of electronically booking and briefing a barrister to represent them at court.

The aim is to replicate the process a solicitor would go through when considering a motoring offence, but much quicker and at no cost by getting the “client” to enter all their details into the system. “You’re not paying for the process – just the bit you value,” Langan explains.

To me that is one of the central changes coming to the legal market: stripping down what lawyers do to focus on the part where the application of all that training and knowledge is vital for the client.

As well as the option of instructing a barrister from £399 for a plea in mitigation – organised by Old Bailey Chambers in London – users can also seek telephone advice for £35 per call. There are additional fixed-fee services, such as template letters.

Nicholas Bull, a barrister at Old Bailey Chambers who has been heavily involved in the project, describes RTR as “a pretty impressive piece of kit – we put a lot of time and effort into road-testing it”. Tellingly, he continues: “It’s made me realise how simple the information is that we actually require. [The site] has distilled a series of steps to get that information. As a barrister I am better prepared than if a solicitor calls up with an instruction because the website asks the right questions.”

Langan compares RTR to insurance websites which have cut out brokers. The ultimate question is whether his system can deliver as good a result as taking time off from work to go and consult a solicitor face to face. The more immediate one, however, is whether people will think it can. He admits his main concern is whether the system is ahead of its time. “Are people ready for it?” he asks. “Will people trust their case to the computer? That is why the telephone service is there.”

It is a valid concern, the curse of the first mover. But whatever the fears of the traditionalists, and however justified they may be, I suspect he won’t be alone in offering this kind of service for very long.

Neil Rose is the editor of legalfutures.co.uk

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Our late son left £1,500. It could cost £400 to claim it

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Cost of dying rises above £7,000

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Cost of dying rises above £7,000″ was written by Rebecca Smithers, consumer affairs correspondent, for guardian.co.uk on Wednesday 14th September 2011 09.26 UTC

The average cost of dying has risen to £7,248, according to a survey which warns that many bereaved families will struggle to cover all the expenses.

The analysis of death-related costs from insurance company Sun Life Direct, which include funerals, probate costs and memorials such as headstones, shows that next of kin and other key relatives are often ill-prepared to cover the final bills.

More than a quarter (26%) of participants in the survey admitted they had made no plans for the practicalities of later life, while 87% had made no arrangements regarding where they will live and how they will be cared for if they are unable to look after themselves in old age.

The research shows that in the UK today, end-of-life costs have increased to an average of £7,248 – a rise of 20% since 2007 and more than £400 since 2010.

Specifically, funeral costs have increased by 61% over the past seven years, which Sun Life Direct believes will continue for the foreseeable future. The report also reveals that this increase in costs has been met with surprise and concern from those who have responsibility for such arrangements.

Simon Cox, head of life planning at Sun Life Direct, said: “Many people are sleepwalking into a financial nightmare, leaving end-of-life plans to their families, the state or no one at all.

“As a nation we need a wake-up call. Our research indicates that although there is indeed openness to talking about death, action is still greatly lacking. Steps need to be taken to avert the sort of distress and concern experienced by the nearly one-in-five (100,000) people who struggle with funeral costs.”

Dr Kate Woodthorpe, a lecturer in sociology at the University of Bath, said the number of deaths in England and Wales was at an all-time low, but was set to rise significantly. While 491,348 deaths were registered in 2009, she said that by 2030 an additional 80,000 people would die each year.

“As a society, we have to ask ourselves whether the current infrastructure for end-of-life support is fit for purpose,” she said.

Meanwhile, separate research revealed that families are holding on to their loved ones’ ashes after death because of restrictions and confusion on scattering cremated remains.

The study by the Co-operative Funeralcare, which has 880 funeral homes nationwide, revealed that three in five people would like to scatter a relative’s ashes at a special place or bury them under a memorial, but were prevented from doing so because of rules or environmental concerns.

It said three out of four people were keeping ashes for up to a year. The most popular place to keep them was on the mantelpiece, but more than a fifth would choose the bedroom while one in 17 would store them in the attic, bathroom or garage.

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Max Mosley sues Google in France and Germany over ‘orgy’ search results

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Max Mosley sues Google in France and Germany over ‘orgy’ search results” was written by Josh Halliday, for guardian.co.uk on Friday 25th November 2011 07.27 UTC

Max Mosley is suing Google in France and Germany in an attempt to force the internet company to monitor and censor search results about his alleged sado-masochistic orgy.

The former Formula One boss revealed he is taking legal action against Google during his testimony before the Leveson inquiry at London’s royal courts of justice on Thursday.

Mosley is battling to remove from the internet false and libellous references to an alleged "Nazi-themed" orgy and a News of the World video. He told the inquiry he had taken legal action in 22 countries and ordered the removal of material from 193 websites in Germany.

"The fundamental thing is that Google could stop this appearing but they don’t or won’t as a matter of principle," he told the inquiry. "The really dangerous things are the search engines."

It is understood Google has removed hundreds of references to the defamatory claims after requests from Mosley’s solicitors.

However, Mosley is attempting to force Google to monitor its search results so the material never appears. Presently, Google only removes specific web links from its search results when they are ruled unlawful by a court and reported to the company.

Mosley said he was considering fresh legal action against Google in California, where the company is based, if it did not censor the results.

A Google spokesman said: "Google’s search results reflect the information available on billions of web pages on the internet. We don’t, and can’t, control what others post online, but when we’re told that a specific page is illegal under a court order, then we move quickly to remove it from our search results."

Free-speech campaigners were quick to criticise Mosley on Thursday, claiming forcing search engines to monitor and remove content would open the door to a new form of online censorship.

"Search engines are not publishers and cannot be held responsible for everything on the web," said Padraig Reidy, the news editor of pressure group Index on Censorship. "If they are held responsible, it would fundamentally alter the web from the free space that has changed the way we live, ultimately rendering the web unsearchable as content is not indexed for fear of complaint."

In his written witness statement, Mosley likened the internet to "a sort of wild west with its own rules which the courts cannot touch".

"This is a fallacy," he said. "The internet and those that use it are clearly subject to the law like everyone else. It may sometimes be difficult to enforce the law because of the international nature of the internet. But that is a separate question."

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Interpol criticised over attempt to arrest Asian separatist leader

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Interpol criticised over attempt to arrest Asian separatist leader” was written by Owen Bowcott, legal affairs correspondent, for The Guardian on Friday 25th November 2011 00.01 UTC

An Interpol red notice has been issued for the arrest of the Oxford-based leader of an Asian separatist movement, triggering allegations of political abuse of the international police alert system.

Benny Wenda, 37, who has been granted asylum and has lived in the UK since 2003, fears that if he travels abroad he could be detained and returned to Indonesia, where he is a wanted man.

Wenda, head of the Free West Papua movement, claims the charges against him have been trumped up in order to silence him. Fair Trials International is supporting him and calling for greater accountability of the police notice system which, it claims, has become “a legal black hole”.

It is not the first time, according to the civil liberties group, that an Interpol red notice has been issued for the arrest of a political opponent or deployed to prevent someone from travelling.

An Interpol red notice requires police forces to “seek the arrest or provisional arrest of wanted persons with a view to extradition”.

Wenda, whose wife, Maria, and six children live with him in Oxford, was a tribal leader in West Papua, a province of Indonesia, which separatists say was forcibly occupied in the 1960s when the Dutch left the region.

His home village was bombed, he was injured and his relatives killed. After leaving university, he led a group which promoted West Papuan customs but had to flee on several occasions to neighbouring Papua New Guinea.

In 2002 he was arrested in West Papua and charged with inciting an attack on a police station. None of the witnesses called at his trial turned up, according to legal observers who were present. He denied participating in any attack.

Wenda was jailed but, after what he believes were several failed attempts on his life, he decided to escape. “I broke into a ventilation shaft and crawled out,” Wenda, who is now a UK citizen, told the Guardian. “I crossed into Papua New Guinea and reached the UK in 2003. “[Indonesians] knew that if I was free I would promote the struggle for [independence] and tell about the suffering of my peoples. Indonesia has committed crimes. In East Timor, there were 100,000 deaths; in West Papua there have been 400,000.”

Wenda, who insists he supports a peaceful transition to self-rule for his native land, had been travelling widely to gather support for his movement. “I had been at a conference in Senegal,” he explained, “and when I came back I looked online and found my name and saw I had a red notice. This is Indonesia intimidating me. They are trying to limit my movement.

“No one has tried to arrest me and I’ve had no approach from the [UK] police. I have not travelled about since then. [Indonesia] says I’m a criminal but I’m campaigning for my people. I would like to see the red notice removed so that I can continue my campaign.”

Indonesia does not have an extradition treaty with the UK. Any extradition request is unlikely to succeed, given that Wenda was granted political asylum.

Jago Russell, chief executive of Fair Trials International, said: “Of course police have to work across borders to fight crime but they should not be allowed to operate in a legal black hole. Despite the major human impact of Interpol red notices, there is no effective way to challenge cases of abuse. As a result refugees like Benny Wenda, who have travelled half way around the world to escape persecution, continue to be threatened from afar by oppressive governments.”

Interpol denied that its notice system was subject to political interference. “There are safeguards in place,” a spokeswoman at the organisation’s headquarters in Lyon said. “The subject of a red notice can challenge it through an independent body, the Commission for the Control of Interpol’s Files (CCF). It is up to Mr Wenda or his representatives to contact the CCF.” If persuaded that it was not valid, the commission would remove a notice, she added.

A spokesman for the Indonesian embassy in London said: “Mr Wenda should answer to the crimes that he has committed in a free and independent court in Indonesia. Then he can prove whether or not he is guilty.”

The Indonesian government accuses Wenda of being part of the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka – OPM), which it claims is “a clandestine organisation dedicated to secede from Indonesia using any means available to them including killings of innocent civilians and destruction of private properties”.

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Stone Roses singer Ian Brown banned from driving

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Stone Roses singer Ian Brown banned from driving” was written by Helen Carter, for The Guardian on Thursday 24th November 2011 19.13 UTC

The lead singer of the Stone Roses, Ian Brown, has been banned from driving after being caught speeding at 93mph through roadworks on a motorway, where the limit was 40mph. It is the third time he has been caught breaking the speed limit in four years.

Brown, 48, appeared before Stoke-on-Trent magistrates court where a district judge told him his speed went “off the scale”. He was caught on camera on the M6 near Stafford in his Lexus on 12 October last year as he headed home to Cheshire. Initially he denied the offence, but later changed his plea to guilty. District judge David Taylor told him: “Speed limits are not imposed on a motorway unless there are very good reasons. Those reasons are almost always concerning public safety.”

His barrister, Craig MacGregor, in mitigation, said Brown also used his car to shop for his elderly parents. He was a “caring father and family man”. The court heard how the singer had initially denied the charge, claiming that the “camera must be wrong” because he “could not have been going at 93mph”.

He was also fined £900 and ordered to pay costs of £1,015.

Judge Taylor warned he would face prison if caught behind the wheel during the disqualification period.

He ordered that six points from a previous offence in April this year – when he was caught speeding at 105mph on the M6 in Cheshire – should remain on his licence.

Brown’s solicitor, Nick Freeman, later said: “He accepts he should not have been travelling at the speed he was. He accepts the court’s sentence with good grace and is now looking forward with enthusiasm to the next stage of his career.”

Tickets for the Stone Roses’ reunion tour have been selling for £1,500 on internet auction sites after the band announced their return last month. The dates in the band’s home city of Manchester sold out in just over an hour.

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Leveson inquiry: McCanns deliver damning two-hour testimony

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Leveson inquiry: McCanns deliver damning two-hour testimony” was written by James Robinson, for The Guardian on Wednesday 23rd November 2011 20.37 UTC

Kate and Gerry McCann made an impassioned plea for press regulation after delivering an emotional account of their treatment by the tabloids, describing the string of “disgusting” and “offensive” stories published about them.

Appearing as witnesses at the Leveson inquiry into press standards, the McCanns gave the most powerful testimony heard so far, speaking for nearly two hours without a break as they described the ordeal they have been subjected to by parts of the media since their daughter Madeleine went missing in Portugal four years ago.

Kate McCann told a hushed courtroom at the Royal Courts of Justice in London how she felt “totally violated” after the publication by the News of the World of her personal diaries in which she recorded her thoughts about her missing daughter.

She said the now defunct newspaper had showed “absolutely no respect for me as a grieving mother” when it ran the story in September 2008 under the headline Kate’s Diary: In Her Own Words. “I’d written these words, my thoughts, at the most desperate time of my life,” she said.

Mrs McCann added that she had talked about “climbing into a hole and not coming out” after the article appeared. “It made me feel very vulnerable and small. That whole week was very traumatic and every time I thought about it I couldn’t believe the injustice.”

Her husband, Gerry, said the couple wanted an investigation into how the diary, which was seized and copied by Portuguese police, was leaked to the Murdoch tabloid. Lord Justice Leveson, who has legal powers to summon witnesses and compel evidence, indicated that he might heed their call.

Mr McCann said British newspapers had declared “open season” on them a few months after Madeleine’s disappearance in the Portuguese resort of Praia da Luz in May 2007. It was “crass and insensitive”, he argued, to say that because they engaged with the media in an attempt to find their daughter “the press can write whatever they like about you without punishment. There are standards but there are no penalties for not sticking to them. I see front page headlines every day … and I think information is being written and lives are being harmed by these stories and something has to change. The commercial imperative is not acceptable.”

The McCanns’ evidence is likely to strengthen the argument for a stricter regime of press regulation. Leveson, who was appointed by David Cameron at the height of the phone-hacking crisis, is due to report within a year.

The McCanns painted a disturbing picture of life at the centre of a media scrum. Gerry McCann said: “We expected the storm to calm with the passage of time but it continued day after day. We had anecdotal evidence from the British journalists in Praia da Luz that the story of Madeleine’s disappearance had caught the imagination of the British public and was driving sales in the UK. As a result those journalists were under intense pressure from their newsdesks to file more copy.”

Photographers camped outside the house, Kate McCann said, frightening their two young children. “There were several occasions where they would bang on the windows. Amelie said to me several times: ‘Mummy, I’m scared.’”

Her husband accused a former editor of the News of the World, Colin Myler, of “berating” them for conducting a 2008 interview with Hello! magazine on the first anniversary of Madeleine’s disappearance.

The couple sued Express Newspapers and secured unprecedented front-page apologies in 2008 after two of the group’s titles ran stories which included the allegation that they had sold their daughter to pay off debts. Describing that as “nothing short of disgusting”, Gerry McCann said he was amazed no one at Express Newspapers, which also paid the couple record damages of £550,000, had lost their job.

“I’ve seen no journalist or editor brought to account, be it the Express or any other group … they are repeat offenders, they should lose their privilege of practising,” he said.

The McCanns argued that newspapers should not be allowed to take pictures of subjects when they are in public places. They also spoke movingly about their reaction to a front-page Daily Mirror story about Madeleine that declared: “She’s dead”. It was based on an article in a Portuguese paper, which quoted a source close to the police investigation who said they didn’t know if she was alive or dead. Gerry McCann said they learned about the story at 11pm when they were just about to go to bed. “That was one of the most distressing headlines that was just taken from supposition. It was incredible.”

Talking about her diary, Kate McCann said she believed that it was taken from her by Portuguese police and later returned. However, she said that someone must have photocopied the private diary and given it to the press.

She said there were minor differences between her own diaries and those that were published by the NoW, leading her to believe that they had been translated from Portuguese and back again.

The paper apologised a week after publishing the diaries and said: “We published the extracts in the belief held in good faith that we had Kate’s permission to do so.”

Leveson indicated that he might call the journalist who wrote the story to give evidence and might also question other senior executives at the paper, which was closed by Rupert Murdoch in July, about how the diaries were obtained.

Earlier in the day Sheryl Gascoigne, the former wife of Paul Gascoigne, told the inquiry that she had been hounded by press photographers while heavily pregnant. She said she was forced to crawl on her hand and knees while her arm was in a sling to escape the paparazzi.

Gascoigne told Leveson that everyone in the public eye knew that the Press Complaints Commission was “a waste of time”. She said corrections should be given the same prominence in newspapers as the articles in which they originally appeared.

Mark Lewis, the solicitor whose clients include the footballers’ union chief Gordon Taylor, Milly Dowler’s parents and the ex-Premier League footballer Garry Flitcroft, also gave evidence to the inquiry.

He said he had been warned in a telephone call that Paul Dacre, editor-in-chief of the Daily Mail, would sue him if he continued to claim that the paper had been involved in phone hacking.

Lewis said that threat was made in a phone conversation with a Daily Mail lawyer, Liz Hartley, on 25 January 2011. “Be aware that Paul Dacre is someone who will sue you if you suggest that we were involved in hacking,” Hartley allegedly told him.

He also claimed that he had heard from a journalist that Rebekah Brooks, former chief executive of News International, had threatened to “get him back” for demanding her resignation and that she would exact her revenge in another newspaper.

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Lords give legal aid bill ‘a good bashing’

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Lords give legal aid bill ‘a good bashing’” was written by Jon Robins, for guardian.co.uk on Wednesday 23rd November 2011 19.41 UTC

“Practically everyone condemned the social welfare law cuts. If it was said once, it was said 50 times,” Lord Bach says over a coffee in the House of Lords’ canteen the morning after the night before. The night before being the marathon eight-and-a-half hour debate which finished at 23.09 on Monday. 54 peers spoke in the debate and delivered what the former Labour justice secretary (Fightbach on Twitter) happily calls “a good bashing” to the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders bill.

It is heartening to see the Lords focus on government plans to surgically remove the area of the legal aid scheme that relates most directly to the poor and vulnerable. Ministers plan to scrap public funding for what is inelegantly categorised as “social welfare law”: welfare benefits, employment, debt, immigration, plus most housing except where there is homelessness. “It’s not a comfortable phrase,” says Bach. “Maybe the law of everyday life is the best way of describing it.”

Three things are wrong with the bill’s approach to social welfare law, Bach reckons. It is immoral, unconstitutional and crazy. “First of all it is immoral to pick on the poor. It is unconstitutional because if you don’t allow access to justice then the rule of law is put at risk; and thirdly it’s just crazy in terms of the finances. We don’t save any money nor does the government because other government departments will be picking up pieces. In fact we all will.”

Legal aid’s place within the wider welfare state is overlooked in the bill. It was a recurring theme in the Lords and best expressed by Lord Phillips of Sudbury (a solicitor “for more years than I dare to remember”).

Phillips might be a partner in a City law firm but he was also a founder and first chair of the Legal Action Group. He was reminded of a speech made by Sir Hartley Shawcross 63 years ago in a debate over the landmark legal aid and advice bill. Sir Hartley told his fellow peers in 1948 that he was inclined to call the bill “a charter”. “It is a charter of the little man to the British courts of justice”. Phillips did not need to spell out the obvious. The coalition’s bill amounts to a charter to exclude the “little man” (and woman and people of all heights) from the courts.

“What are we doing?” Phillips asked. “We know the suffering, the disenchantment and the cynicism that will follow. We have made no attempt to calculate the financial costs in social or other terms.” Lord Newton of Braintree, a former Tory cabinet minister, reflected that he had never seen “such a strong feeling that a set of cuts will not produce the savings that they are set to produce”. He was speaking as a former chairman of the Administrative Justice and Tribunals Council where it was “notorious” that unrepresented litigants took longer and cost more than cases with lawyers. He cited a high court case involving a litigant–in–person which dragged on for two and a half weeks instead of the projected four days. “If that was replicated on any scale, the savings in possible civil legal aid cases would disappear in a flash. DIY litigation will be as effective as a DIY medical operation,” quipped Lord Pannick.

Pannick skewered a fundamental issue of principle for many campaigners with the bill: its failure to recognise “access to justice as avital constitutional principle”. The QC, a member of the House of Lords’ constitutional committee, is proposing an amendment to clause 1 to state that the Lord Chancellor “must secure, within the resources made available, that individuals have access to legal services that effectively meet the needs”. He also attacked the power (clause 8(2)) that enables the Lord Chancellor to remove further areas of law from scheme without Parliamentary scrutiny (“inherently objectionable”). All the more “objectionable” insofar as the Bill has no reciprocal power to add services, he noted.

“So what difference – if any – will this make to this monster piece of legislation? I’m not going to get carried away,” Lord Bach, who wound up the debate, tells me. As he points out there have been many bills where the government has received a pasting in the Lords but, the fight goes on and next monthscommittee stage will besignificant.

The legal aid bill being considered by the Lords alongside welfare reform and health. “They are three huge pieces of social legislation and all link interlink with each other fundamentally,” Bach says. “They will change the way in which we view society. We are looking for the government to compromise.” Can you do a deal on social welfare law? Surely, it is either in the scheme or it is out? “Absolutely,” says Bach. “You cannot compromise on social welfare law.”

Jon Robins edits thejusticegap.com

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Nationwide wiped out £5,000 when my mother died

The importance of a will and not rolling over..

Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Nationwide wiped out £5,000 when my mother died” was written by Margaret Dibben, for The Observer on Saturday 3rd September 2011 23.01 UTC

Since my father died several years ago I have been managing my mother’s financial affairs. All her savings were with Nationwide whose rules do not allow me to have authority to manage her account.

Instead, it suggested changing the account into our joint names. We put a substantial amount on a fixed-interest time deposit, knowing early termination penalties do not apply on death.

Last January, my mother died and I am her executor. I was shocked to discover that Nationwide had charged a 365-day interest penalty, which wiped out more than £5,000 of interest, leaving only £143.

The probate unit said that, as the account was now in my sole name, my mother’s death was disregarded. If the account had been in her sole name, it would not. AH, Surbiton

Someone with a better understanding of Nationwide’s procedures confirms that it should not have charged a penalty on your mother’s death. It has repaid you £7,195, which is the money wrongly deducted plus interest. To apologise, Nationwide has added £250 in compensation.

You can email Margaret Dibben at your.problemsobserver.co.uk or write to Margaret Dibben, Your Problems, The Observer, Kings Place, 90 York Way, London N1 9GU and include a telephone number. Do not enclose SAEs or original documents. The newspaper accepts no legal responsibility for advice.

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